英语演讲稿

【#英语演讲稿# #简短名人英语演讲稿(21篇)#】演讲稿可根据用途和性质进行分类,有21项重要的准备工作。如今，演讲在各种场合中的应用愈加广泛。在撰写演讲稿之前，参考一些范文将能提供很大帮助。以下是好查范文网小编整理的几篇简短的名人英语演讲稿，供大家参考。希望对你们有所帮助。

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the States-ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in forty-eight States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the Principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere-yes, many times over.

In times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

To accomplish great things, you must dream great dreams. Butdreaming alone isn’t enough. You must believe in your dreams and you mustact.

梦想有多大，成功功就有多大。但是仅仅有梦想还远远不够,必须相信梦想并采取行动来实现梦想。

Dreams give us a vision of a better future;

梦想给予我们对美好未来的幻想;

Dreams nourish our spirit;

梦想滋养我们的灵魂;

Dreams represent possibility even when we are dragged;

梦想让希望重现,甚至在我们为现实所累时 ;

Dreams keep us going.

梦想使我们不断前进。

Most successful people are dreamers;

大多数成功人士都是幻想家;

Ordinary people who are not afraid to think big dare not to be great.

平庸之辈就是大胆想而不敢做的人。

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

What College Education Means to Me

大学教育对我的意义

The title of my speech is "What college education means to me".Nowreflecting on the past two and half years of my college experience, I come torealize how much it has shaped me.

今天我演讲的题目是“大学教育对我的意义”。回顾思索着逝去的两年半的大学生活，我渐渐认识到大学教育对我产生的巨大影响。

For me, college education is a marvelous ship-builder who designed me fromkneel plates up.

对我来说，大学教育犹如一位技艺精湛的造船师，从船头至船尾地塑造了我。

With great vision, college education has equipped me, first with a powerfulpropeller----the sophisticated knowledge in certain field and wide exposure toother disciplines. By dedicating myself to the engineering courses in the dayand immersing myself in the rich banquet of the world literature at night, I'veamassed the driving force for the future and enriched my soul.

首先，具有远见卓识的大学教育为我装配了一只马力强劲的推进器;精深的专业知识及广博的课外知识给我带来无限动力。白天我全神贯注地研习自己的工科课程，晚上则尽情享受世界文学所带来的盛宴，在此过程中，我既为未来积聚了力量，又充实了自己的灵魂。

Besides, college education has also provided me with a precisecompass----the sense of social responsibility. How can I best serve the interestof the public while achieving my self-fulfillment? My one year's experience as apart-time English teacher has testified: to be valuable to society as well as tofind my place, I have to possess some actual strength and the ability tofunction well in the most challenging situation. Amid the hectic schedule thatbalances club activities, sports, and academic courses, I feel the rhythm andbeauty in the intensity of my high-pitched life, knowing that I 'm on the rightway.

此外，大学教育还为我提供了一个精确的罗盘，即社会责任感。“如何才能在实现自我价值的同时最大限度地服务于社会?”我一年的兼职英语教师的经历证明:只有拥有过硬的实力和对高挑战性局面应付自如的能力，我才能成为一个对社会有价值的人，一个找到自己位置的人。在协调着社团活动、体育运动和专业课程的忙碌日程中，我感受到了高节奏、高密度生活的韵律与美丽。

And more importantly, college education has set up not only single ships,but also fleets with common destinations. By interacting with friends of commonbeliefs, I've acquired skills of relating to other people.

更为重要的是，大学教育不仅仅制造了一只只单个的船只，他还组建了一支支驶向同一目的地的大舰队。在与志趣相投的朋友们的相处、融合中，我锻炼了与人交往的能力。

Now ,as a ship about to make my maiden voyage, I'm still not in theposition to tell what's waiting ahead of me ,but with a powerful propeller, aprecise compass and ardent companions of sailing in the sea of society, I'mready to be a great sea-explorer.

现在我即将作为一只巨轮开始我的首航，尽管前方的情况还无法预料，我却有充足的信心作一名出色的海洋探索者，因为我有强劲的推进器、精确的罗盘，还有一帮与我同行 、一起驶向社会之洋的热心朋友!

Thank you.

谢谢大家!

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

Inaugural Address

On a frigid Winter's day, January 20, 1961, John Fitzgerald Kennedy took the oath of office as the 35th President of the United States. At age 43, he was the youngest man and the first Roman Catholic ever elected. He had won by one of the smallest margins of victory, only 115,000 popular votes. This is the speech he delivered announcing the dawn of a new era as young Americans born in the 20th century first assumed leadership of the Nation.

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge -- to convert our good words into good deeds in a new alliance for progress -- to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective -- to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request -- that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew, remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah -- to undo the heavy burdens...and let the oppressed go free.

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation -- a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it -- and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you -- ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

John F. Kennedy - January 20, 1961

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

Harry S. Truman: "The Truman Doctrine"

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:

The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey. The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.

I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government. Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.

When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings. As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.

Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances, the people of Greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds. These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery. The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.

The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the governments authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. A Commission appointed by the United Nations security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.

Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout Greek territory. Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy. The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid. But these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn. No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.

The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31st. Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.

We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis. But the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.

It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving its public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.

No government is perfect. One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. The Government of Greece is not perfect. Nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.

The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism. It has made mistakes. The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do. We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.

Greeks neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention. The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece. And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.

Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support. Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity. That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East. The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey. As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help.

I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time. One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.

To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations. The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the United States.

The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.

At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.

I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.

I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.

I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.

The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious. Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East. Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.

It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.

Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.

We must take immediate and resolute action. I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.

In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel. Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized. If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress. On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together.

This is a serious course upon which we embark. I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious. The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world peace. The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment. It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain. The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.

We must keep that hope alive.

The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world. And we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.

Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.

I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

I Am Prepared to Die for an Idea我愿为梦想而死--纳尔逊·曼德拉

My friends, comrades, and fellow South Africans: I greet you all in the name of peace, democracy, and freedom for all. I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices have made it possible for me to be here today. I therefore have placed the remaining years of my life in your , I extend my sincere and warmest gratitude to the millions of my compatriots and those in every corner of the globe who have campaigned tirelessly for my release. I extend special greetings to the people of Cape Town the city through which — which has been my home for three decades.

I salute the rank?and?file members of the ANC: You have sacrificed life and limb in the pursuit of the noble cause of our , like Solomon Mahlangu and Ashley Kriel, who have paid the ultimate price for the freedom of all South Africans. I salute the South African Communist Party for its sterling contribution to the struggle for democracy. You have survived 40 years of unrelenting persecution.

The memory of great communists like Moses Kotane, Yusuf Dadoo, Bram Fischer, and Moses Mabhida will be cherished for generations to come. I salute General Secretary Joe Slovo, one of our finest patriots. We are heartened by the fact that the alliance between ourselves and the Party remains as strong as it — it always , the National Education Crisis Committee, the South African Youth Congress, the Transvaal and Natal Indian Congresses, and COSATU and the many other formations of the Mass Democratic Movement. I also salute the Black Sash and the National Union of South African Students.

We note with pride that you have looked — that you have acted as the conscience of white South Africa. Even during the darkest days in the history of our struggle you held the flag of liberty high. The large?scale mass mobilization of the past few years is one of the key factors which led to the opening of the final chapter of our — Your organized strength is the pride of our movement. You remain the most dependable force in the struggle to end exploitation and oppression.

I greet the traditional leaders of our country — many among you continue to walk in the footsteps of great heroes like Hintsa and , you, the young lions. You, the young lions, have energized our entire struggle. I pay tribute to the mothers and wives and sisters of our nation. Without your support our struggle would not have reached this advanced stage. The sacrifice of the frontline states will be remembered by South Africans , black and white, recognize that apartheid has no future. It has to be ended by our own decisive mass action in order to build peace and security.

The mass campaigns of defiance and other actions of our organizations and people can onlyculminate in the establishment of continent is in calculable. The fabric of family life of millions of my people has been shattered. Millions are homeless and unemployed. Our economy — Our economy lies in ruins and our people are embroiled in political strife. Our resort to the armed struggle in 1960 with the formation of the military wing of the ANC, Umkhonto we Sizwe, was a purely defensive action against the violence of apartheid. The factors which necessitated the armed struggle still exist today. We have no option but to continue. We express the hope that a climate conducive to a negotiated settlement will be created soon so that there may no longer be the need for the armed , strategies, and , I feel duty?bound to make the point that a leader of the movement is a person who has been democratically elected at a national conference.

This is a principle which must be upheld without any , I wish to report to you that my talks with the government have been aimed at normalizing the political situation in the country. We have not as yet begun discussing the basic demands of the struggle. I wish to stress that I myself have at no time entered into negotiations about the future of our country except to insist on a meeting between the ANC and the has gone further than any other Nationalist President in taking real steps to normalize the situation. However, there are further steps, as outlined in the Harare Declaration, that have to be met before negotiations on the basic demands of our people can begin.

Negotiations cannot take place — Negotiations cannot take place above the heads or behind the backs of our people. It is our belief that the future of our country can only be determined by a body which is democratically elected on a non?racial basis. Negotiations on the dismantling of apartheid will have to address the overwhelming demands of our people for a democratic, non?racial and unitary South Africa. And this reality is that we are still suffering under the policies of the Nationalist , so that the process towards democracy is rapid and uninterrupted. We have waited too long for our freedom. We can no longer wait.

Now is the time to intensify the struggle on all fronts. To relax our efforts now would be a mistake which generations to come will not be able to role in a united democratic and non?racial South Africa is the only way to peace and racial harmony. In conclusion, I wish to quote my own words during my trial in 1964. They are as true today as they were then. I spoke: I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and — and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

Youth will press

Saying goodbye to childhood,we step into another important time in the pace of young,facing new situations,dealing with different problems……

everyone has his ownunderstanding of young,it is a period of time of beauty and wonders,only after you have experienced the sour ,sweet ,bitter and salty can you really become a person of significance.

thre time of young is limitted,it may pass by without your attention,and when you discover what has happened ,it is always too late.grasping the young well means a better time is waiting for you in the near future,or the situation may be opposite .

having a view on these great men in the history of hunmanbeing,they all made full use of their youth time ,to do things that are useful to society,to the whole mankind,and as a cosquence ,they are remembered by later generations,admired by everyone.so do something in the time of young,although you may not get achievements as these greatmen did ,though not for the whole word,just for youeself,for those around!

the young is just like blooming flowers,they are so beautiful when blooming,they make people feel happy,but with time passing by,after they withers ,moet people think they are ugly.

and so it is the same with young,we are enthusiastic when we are young,then we may lose our passion when getting older and older.

so we must treasure it ,don't let the limitted time pass by ,leaving nothing of significance.

名人励志英语演讲稿

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

only mother love is true love .it's gives everybody everything in all his life ,when you are still a baby ,mother takes good care of you as much as possible. in your waking hour she always holds you in her arms. when you are ill, she stop her work right now to look after you day and night and forgets about herself. when you are growing up day by day, she feels very happy. when you are old enough to go to school, mother still looks after you all the time. on cold winter days, she always tells you to put on more clothes. she always stands in the window waiting for you back from school. when you are hurry to leave home for school for breakfast ,she feels worried about you at home.she usually knows about your study and spends much money on your school things . when you do well at school . you will see the brightset smile on her face. mother is ailways ready to give everything she has to her children ,not to receive. what true love that is in the world !we will remember mother love forever friendship every one of us, rich or poor, should at least have one or two good friends. my friends will listen to me when i want to speak, will wipe my eyes when i cry, will take care of me when i am sick, and my friends will go together with me side by side through this journey of life. as students, we could share more time with our friends. the friendship in our young hearts is pure, fresh and si-mp-le. i often feel very lucky to have a lot of good friends. especially when i had justin as one of my best friends. justin was my english teacher from the usa. i met him in 1996 when i was a student who could only speak very little english. justin was a vivid young man with a bright smile on his face, and he always had his special way to make the claactive and attractive. he taught us english by telling stories, playing games, singing songs, and even dancing. i could still remember very clearly that one afternoon when we fin-ished our class, we went to some other classes to sing songs for them, just like what people do in the states on christmas eve. it was so interesting and unforgettable. justin was an excellent teacher, because he taught us not only how to study english well, but also the way to find out the beauty of the world and the way to be angels to others' lives. i know there was friendship and pure love in our hearts. facing this valuable emotion neither nationality nor age was important, the real importance lay in faith, under-standing, and care. justin is the best friend i have ever had, and i know i will cherish those days of staying together with him as the best part of my memory. friendship is a kind of treasure in our lives. it is actually like a bottle of wine, the longer it is kept, the sweeter it will be. it is also like a cup of tea. when we are thirsty, it will be our best choice, but when we have enough time to enjoy ourselves, it is also the most fragrant drink. however, in this fast-developing mo.

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

My Family

Everyone has a family.We live in it and feel very warm.There are three persons in my family,my mother,father and I.We live together very happily and there are many interesting stories about my family.

My father is a hard-working man.He works as a barber.

My mother is a woman with a bad memory.She always does a lot of housework,but sometimes she makes mistakes out of carelessness.For example,one day,she washed clothes in the washer,after the washer finished the work,she found she hadn't filled the washer with water.

Now let me tell you a funny thing:one day,father wanted to get up early as usual,buthe wasn't able to do that,because he hadn't set the alarm clock the night before,so when he got up,he did everything in a hurry.After father left,mother said to me mysteriously,"He will come back soon." "Why?" I was greatly surprised."Because today is Sunday,his holiday!" Just as mother said,father came back home soon,and went to bed again--he was too tired.

You see,what an interesting family have!I hope that you will have one like mine,too.

我的家庭

每个人都有家.我们大家生活在那里,并从那里获取温暖.我们家有三口人,我妈妈、爸爸,还有我.我们在一起幸福地生活,我们家有许多有趣的故事.

我爸爸工作认真.他是理发师。

我妈妈是一位记性很不好的`人.她总是做很多家务活,但有时却因为她的粗心而做错事.比如说,有一天,她用洗衣机洗衣服,最后却发现自己忘了在洗衣机中放水.现在让我告诉你一件有趣的事：一天,爸爸想像平常一样早起,但是由于他前天没有设置闹钟,所以他起晚了,当他起床时,他匆匆忙忙地洗漱完毕就去上班了,爸爸离开后,妈妈神秘地对我说：“他一会儿一定会回来的.”“为什么?”我十分惊讶.“因为今天是星期天,他的假日.”妈妈正说着的时候,不一会儿,爸爸就回来了,并且再一次上床睡觉了——因为他太累了。

你瞧,多么有趣的家庭!我希望你也有一个像我一样的家庭。

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

今天，我带着我们曲棍球队的所有成员来到镇江扬中，怀着无比激动的心情参加全国青年曲棍球锦标赛。

比赛持续了十天。在这十天里，有艰苦的训练，激烈的竞争和文艺晚会的精彩表演.对我来说最难忘的是这场比赛，这场比赛一直在激烈地进行，但是尽管我们积极地奔跑、击球和防守，我们却从来没有进过一个球。球员们汗流浃背，但他们能面对强大的对手。我们仍然一起工作，一点也不放松。游戏最后阶段，玩家按照老师的安排继续防守和进攻。突然，机会来了。胡挥了一拳，球进了去!比赛的最后一秒，我们进了一个球！大家都远离了，球一进，我们就成功排进了全国前六！每个人都拥抱、跳舞、大笑，而操场上充满了我们的笑声。

这一天，我们愉快地呆在宿舍休息。大家都在谈论今天的.胜利。大姐告诉我们：我们是一个团队，团队要互相帮助，团结友爱。如果我们不团结，我们就不会赢得这场比赛。今天的比赛之所以能赢，是因为所有球员团结协作，面对强敌不惧，面对挫折不气馁。一个集体，一个班级，一个团队，首先要注意团结，帮助队友，爱同学，不是自私的人，而是无私的人。师姐的话深深打动了我们。

比赛结束后，我们都团结一致努力工作。虽然我们很苦很累，但我们没有退缩。颁奖日到了，我们心里很紧张。但是当老师报告我们小学在全国青少年曲棍球比赛中获得第四名的时候，我们高兴得无法用语言形容，我们跳起来互相拥抱！

虽然这场比赛已经过去了，但我学到了很多。“团结就是胜利，努力就是成功”是我最大的感受。

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

在我们的生活中，会有许许多多的第一次，这一个个的第一次就像一个个脚印印在我们成长的道路上，其中最令我难忘的是那一次参加400米赛跑，如今回想起来依旧记忆犹新。

那是去年11月的体育节，那一天，秋高气爽，校园里彩旗飘扬，运动员进行曲让我们感觉充满了活力。首先进行的是开幕式，我们迈着整齐的步伐走过主席台，我们大声喊着口号。开幕式结束后，让人紧张的比赛开始了！同学们欢呼雀跃。萧老师分好区域后，运动员们开始比赛了。

时间过得可真快啊！一下子就轮到了我去参加比赛。我赶紧跑到比赛区域的跑道，那时候我的心都提到了嗓子眼。裁判老师一声令下，大家都飞奔了出去，我落在了后面，我心里又急又慌，怀里像揣了只兔子忐忑不安！我可不能落在最后一个呀！虽然友谊第一，比赛第二，可是我不想当最后一名！一想到这，一股力量促使我往前冲往前赶！渐渐的，我超过了张雅霖，哇！我喜出望外，可是慢慢的'雅霖超过了我，我心急如焚，直冒冷汗，脸上火辣辣的，渐渐的我体力不支，忍不住心里打起鼓来：真后悔报了400米赛跑，没事跑什么四百米正当我懊恼不已的时候听到同学们的加油声，加油声一浪高过一浪，瞬间觉得体力倍增，脚底生风！我把所有的杂念都抛到了九霄云外，速度慢慢的加快了，我超过了雅霖！到达终点的我手舞足蹈，心里别提有多高兴了。

在这次运动会当中，我感到了充实和快乐，它让我有了一个展现自我的机会，也让我感受到友谊的温暖，让我感受到比赛复杂心情！真盼望下一届运动会的到来！

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

十月十三日那天，我和同学组队去大勇小学参加水火箭比赛，那个学校好大，比我们学校大好几倍，我有一点紧张，小心的抱着水火箭和箱子，一直跟在主任后面，真怕万一不小心会跟丢。

没多久，看到的校长来主持开赛，我们排很后面，看着别人比赛，都觉得好可怕，主任让我们在旁边休息时，还一边讲笑话，一边请我们吃东西，想要让我们心情放松，可是真的很难，我是第一次参加比赛的新手，真恐怖，别人都太厉害了。

没多久听说校长来了，我没见过校长，主任跑去告诉他说我们是第一次参赛，校长居然和我们合照，我真是又兴奋又讶异，他还说要留下来看，我真是吓坏了，好怕会出糗。

终于快轮到我们出场了，时间只有四分钟，要射火箭前得先装水、调整方向，还要命中目标，我们四个人分工合作，我真害怕会出错。一开始，我是负责装水的工作，因为太紧张，第一发水火箭刚开始水就装漏了很多，水火箭又射不出去，吓死了，真惨，主任紧急换上另一支水火箭才解决问题。可是射出的'水火箭没命中目标，失败，让我吓得心都凉了———场外那么多人在看，真害怕。过了一会儿，忽然听到广播，场边响起如雷掌声，原来我们命中红心，真是高兴，后来没多久时间就到了，我们命中两发，成绩在晚上六点公布，我们得佳作第一，真棒！

这次的水火箭比赛真好玩啊！我以前因为胆子小，都没参加活动，还好主任这次鼓励我。希望下一次可以再参加类似的团体比赛，也许我还是胆子不够大，但是我会学习和大家合作，努力完成任务，这次的比赛真让我收获很多。

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

周末上跆拳道课的时候，王老师说：“今天，我们要学习一个新本领——靠墙倒立。”我一听，心想：一定很难吧，我能学会吗?

为了避免撞伤头部，王老师先把一叠垫子靠在墙上，然后叫一个已经学过倒立的男同学来做示范。“看，这就是靠墙倒立。”王老师平静地说。同学们立刻在下面窃窃私语。这时，王老师大吼一声：“安静，下面我来说一下动作要领。”

王老师耐心地讲解完后，我们终于开始练习了。我心想：会不会从墙上掉下来呢？一定要小心。王老师让我们排好队，按照他刚才讲的练习倒立。轮到我了，我双手向前平放，左脚往前跨一小步。准备动作虽然摆好了，但我迟迟不敢向上翻。站在身边的王老师说：“没事，我会保护你的。”于是，我壮着胆子闭着眼睛往上翻，身体刚往上翻了一半，整个人就往下掉了。这时，王老师迅速地把我的双腿按到墙上，我这才没掉下来。练了几次以后，我就可以不用别人帮忙，自己倒立了。哈哈，原来我这么棒。

我信心满满，不顾疲惫地练习。可是，每次倒立我的头总撞到墙上。我观察了一下旁边同学的姿势，发现他做准备时总是站在离垫子隔一个格子的`地方。我恍然大悟，原来是我站得离垫子太近了才会撞到头的。于是，我试着倒立前往后退一小步，果然在这以后我再也没撞到过头了。这时，王老师悄悄地走过来，把我的垫子拿走说：“你试着这样打一次倒立给我看。”我点了点头，鼓起勇气往墙上一翻，成功了！王老师的脸上情不自禁地露出了满意的笑容。

学习倒立不但让我增强了自信心，还让我懂得了一个道理：任何本领靠的都是勤练和动脑筋思考才能学好的。

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

他是翱翔在空中的雄鹰，他在空中划出完美的弧线，人们赞叹;他如同迅雷一般的速度，使人们羡慕。殊不知成功道路上艰辛与挫折……

他生在高耸崖壁中隐秘的巢穴中，睁开眼就是血腥杀戮，适者生存，初生的雏鹰为了生存，杀戮同伴，以求生存……深邃的崖谷，一眼望不尽的`深渊，经过兄弟撕杀，开始学习飞行。

母亲为了他不形成爬行状态，忍着痛，将他的骨骼折断，一瞬间，被母亲推出巢穴，他挣扎着飞行，因为他面对的不是飞行就是死亡，他终于是挺过来了，冒着骨骼碎裂疼死的可能闯过他生活中的鬼门关，他获得了新生！

飞行自然不是一时就能成为他引以为傲的技能，他呆坐在洞穴里，心中仍然充满恐惧。突然，母亲一步奔出巢穴，在空中旋转了360度，在完美弧线的谢幕下飞回洞穴，这给了他希望！无数次的虚弱，无数次的向上攀登，无数次从高空落下，他没有气馁，他坚持，忍耐，终于在那第一万零一次飞上云霄，成为一只雄霸天空的飞鹰。

数十年过去，他经历了无数次大小“战役”，战利品以万而计，然而，死神再次袭来，依然是选择，荣誉和死亡！他已经40岁了，他骄傲的羽毛成堆了，靠其生存的脚爪与喙老化了。他已有坚忍而强大的心，毅然决然将自己的羽毛全部拔下，在岩石旁将自己的喙磕短，血液淌在岩石上，忍，心中的唯一念头，最后，他又将脚爪一个个打断，强烈的疼痛刺激的他，而他只能默默等待来年春天。

花开了，崖谷开始了复苏，啊！他获得了新生，天空又是他的天堂了，他不停的吼，他的生命再次旺盛了！

人们总以无奈作为借口回避生活，而鹰，无奈使得他更加维护家族，个人，荣誉！他们的坚忍与顽强就是成功的奠基石！

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

自从上了初中，成功对于我来说，就是一个遥远的存在。我和它之间好像隔着一条汪洋大海，纵使我乘风破浪，但还是遥不可及。即使如此，我还是怀着一颗渴望成功的心。

“唉，这次语文又考砸了！”我无奈地抿了抿嘴唇。虽说我的躯壳在校车里，可灵魂却早已飞出九霄云外去了。望着窗外沿途的风景，一切都暗淡失色，似乎都被失败粉刷上灰白的染料。那一刻，我是多么渴望成功。

回到家后，我掏出那份被老师用红笔千刀万剐的.语文试卷。“这道题本不应该错的，还有这一道题……”我在心里默默地反思着，一遍又一遍地翻看着试卷，在自责的同时，也为白白失分的题目感到惋惜。“如今，期末考试将至，我不能再坐以待毙了，我要拿出我的真正实力！”面对三番五次的失败，我下定决心，期末考试时一定要考个出好成绩。

为了兑现我的诺言，我开始进入打满鸡血的战斗状态。上学时，我总会在课余时间翻开语文书，认真复习。晚上，刚完成作业，我又一头扎进茫茫题海，奋笔疾书，直到闹钟的时针指向“11”，我才依依不舍地去睡觉。次日清晨，我又变成了满血复活的状态，开始了新一天的战斗。

终于，功夫不负有心人，我在语文期末考试中脱颖而出，与我的学霸同桌并列班级第一。那一刻，我颤抖着双手，紧紧捏着考卷，不敢相信自己的眼睛。直到我重重掐了自己几下，感到一阵剧烈的疼痛后，才接受了这令我振奋的事实。

“失败乃成功之母。”即使你经历过无数次的失败，但只要有一颗渴望成功的心，并为之不懈努力，胜利的曙光一定会向你招手的！

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

从小到大，我已经有非常非常多的同学，他们的一举一动都使我感动，甚至是一个眼神。

在四年级，我们期中考的时候，老师狠狠地对我们说：“看看你们这张考卷，这么简单地考卷也能错那么多，真是白教你们这三个单元了。”接着老师开始念分数：“邱欣怡95分，刘慧琴97分，何淑慧99分……郑宇欣80分，郑宇欣你还敢给我考出这么点成绩，我看你离不及格不远了。”这句话像一个炸弹丢到人群里，同学们都开始窃窃私语起来：郑宇欣怎么了，脑袋被雷炸了？我拿到考卷趴在桌上轻轻的抽泣……

下课，邱欣怡和刘慧琴强行把我架到走廊上，其实，她们是最理解我的，她们也看过我的考卷，知道我考这么低是因为手的原因，画图没画好。

邱欣怡和刘慧琴在我的耳边轻轻地安慰我，并对我说：“郑宇欣，你看那两棵树，那一颗老树，是因为时间在它的身上停留太久，而弯下去的，而旁边那棵小树，总有一天也会倒下去，像那棵老树一样，但是老树总有一天也会站起来，像你一样，你总有一天还会像以前一样，重新考到好成绩的。”这句话给了我很大的鼓励，使信心又在我的心里树立起来。

一句话，可以使你的'信心完全崩塌，也可以使你的信心完全重新树立起来，这就是同学的力量，这就是友情的力量。

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

我有一个十分要好的朋友，那就是我们班的班长——张胜岚。她不算太高，有一点胖，头圆圆的.，一点也不可爱。可是她十分助人为乐，关心他人。

有一次，我发了高烧，只能自我在家里复习作业，可我万万没有想到我们班班长带了几个班上成绩十分好的同学帮我补习。今日到学校里所学的资料都给我讲了一遍，我不明白的地方就讲到我明白为止。过了几天，天下起了鹅毛大雪，天又渐渐暗了下来，树枝沙沙地响着，我想他们必须不会来了吧。可我突然看到了一个熟悉的身影，啊！那是我们班的班长张胜岚，她冒着雪来给我补课。她鼻子冻得通红，嘴唇发紫，我连忙把她带到火炉边烤火，感激之情油然而生。

还有一次，张胜岚和我决定一齐到同学家去玩，下楼的时候看见王奶奶拿着大包小包上楼，那豆大的汗珠向下滴着。张胜岚牵着我的手就走，说：“奶奶，我们俩来帮您提东西吧！”老奶奶说：“你们俩就提这一小包吧。”“不行！”老奶奶大吃一惊。她说：“我们全给你提，您去开门好吗？”“好！”

这就是我们班的班长，一个十分善良的女孩。

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

寂静的黑夜中，有一盏灯在为我亮着;广袤无垠的荒漠中，仍是那盏灯在指引着我。

——题记

挫折·灯

记得那天学校招录播音员，我带着拼一拼一定拿第一的心理参加了那次测试。结果我落选了，我无法接受这样的结果，我一直很优秀啊！那晚我根本不知道老师在讲台上讲些什么内容，一心想着落选的事，好想痛快地哭一场。

好容易熬到下课，你让我到你宿舍去一下。我垂着头无精打采地来到你宿舍，一见面你就笑着问我：“怎么了，李小姐？还在为白天的测试烦吗？不必了吧，都已经过去了。”我一下被你半带诙谐的话逗笑了。你语重心长地接着说：“人生难免有挫折，何必如此伤感？开开心心地过是一天，闷闷不乐地过也是一天，何不选择前者呢？放开一点，不要太强求自己。你很优秀，机会总会再有的，不要被一次失败就打倒了。”我终于如释重负地笑了，说：“我懂了。谢谢你老师，我不会再悲观了，我会继续努力的。”你开心地笑了，我们的笑声久久回荡在屋里，那么悦耳。

心事·灯

“你这几天怎么了，总是心事重重的，是不是有事瞒着我？”下课后，你来到我的身边以不容置疑的语气问我，关切的目光久久注视着我。我避开你的目光，“没有。”“真的没有？”“嗯。”我低下头不敢看你，小声地回答，我几乎听不到自己的声音。

你轻轻坐到我旁边，说：“我知道你在想什么。”我惊讶地抬起头看着你，你不像在说谎。你继续说：“你的问题是很正常的事情。”我低下了头，不敢看你。你笑了，“就说我知道你在想什么吧！其实这很正常，但你要慎重对待，理智处理，既然你正身处春天，就不要急着去做秋天的事，你说对吗？”“你干嘛不去当心理医生，却来当老师？”我回了你一句，你拍拍我的肩膀说：“我也想啊，但我还不够好，只能委屈自己的`理想了。”我笑了，感到从未有过的轻松与快乐，我知道该如何处理那封男孩的来信了。

谢谢你，老师！能开心地笑，只因有你的引导；能健康地生活，只因有你的关爱与照顾。老师，你是我心中永远的明灯，指引我走出无底的黑暗与无边的荒漠。

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

母爱，明亮，辉煌。如一盏盏灯一般五彩缤纷，她永远在人生路上，照亮前途的迷茫。

母爱·银白色的灯

母爱，如一盏银白色的灯，如一根根银发，把痛苦深埋在心中。

又是满腔的怒火，回家便欲要发泄。母亲坐在沙发上，卷曲的长发搭在胸前。岁月，早已在那额头上刻下了几道深深的痕迹，皮肤已褪尽了白亮的色泽。那一根根的白发，写满了辛酸。时光如奔流，仿佛早上还是满头乌发，傍晚就染出了丝丝白发。她把辛酸苦埋于心中，只为了领着我顺利启航。那银发，是否还会折射出万丈光芒？我将怒火埋在心下……

一盏银白色的灯，是母亲的白发，是她为我点亮，为我照亮前途。

母爱·鲜红色的灯

母爱，如一盏鲜红色的灯，一把红伞，遮挡我头顶的.风风雨雨。

天降大雨，本打算冒雨回家，却不想母亲会来接我。那一把红伞，曾为我挡过了多场大雨，现在，却已容不下两个人了。母亲尽力让我免遭雨淋，自己却出去了一大半。雨珠滴滴落下，落在母亲肩头，我在伞下沉思，是否母亲每一次都这样为我打伞，又是否她每一次都会淋湿大半。那把红伞，正如母亲，为我遮挡人生的种种风雨，自己去承受种种打击。这红伞会不会一直伴我前行？

一盏鲜红色的灯，是母亲的红伞，是她为我遮风挡雨。

母爱·橘黄色的灯

母爱，如一盏橘黄色的灯，如一束光线，驱走人生的迷茫。

橘黄色的灯下，努力在题海中探索，被一道难题挡住去路，苦攻不下。母亲来到身边，要和我一同探索，在一行行数字和一句句提示下，终于攻下此题。望着那橘黄色的灯，又看着微笑的母亲，消除黑暗，带来光明。灯光照射在书桌上，映在母亲那温柔的脸颊，只要有她，就像有一盏明灯，会为我消除人生路上的迷茫。

一盏橘黄色的灯，是母亲的台灯，是她为我点亮，驱走阴霾。

母爱，就像一盏灯，伴我走在人生险途上，驱走前方的黑暗，照亮前程。

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

今夜的星空又是星光灿烂，星星忽闪忽闪的，像顽皮的小孩似的天空中眨着眼睛。田里，青蛙欢唱着，阵阵晚风吹来，驱散了夏天的闷热。我静静地依偎在奶奶的怀里看着星空，轻轻地说：“小星星，我又可以高兴地看你们了，伤心的日子过去啦！”以前，每逢看到星光灿烂的夜空，我总会感到难过，因为它使我想起了奶奶的痛苦。

记得那也是一个星光灿烂的夜晚，我和奶奶在院子里纳凉。奶奶轻轻地抚摸着我的头，望着满天星斗，眉头皱起老树皮似的疙瘩，流着泪水，轻轻地对我说：“瞧那边，那两颗最亮的星星就是牛郎织女星……”没等奶奶说完，我插上一句：“一条银河把他们隔开了，他们每年只见一次面，对吗？”“对！”奶奶含着的泪水再也忍不住了，泪水落了下来。奶奶告诉我，她就是那颗织女星。

“为什么？”我好奇地问。“你爷爷去台湾的前一夜也是这样一个星光灿烂的夜晚，你爷爷指着星星说，那颗织女星就是我，牛郎星就是他。后来他就去台湾了。从此，我们天各一方，连一年见一次面也做不到。”

听着奶奶的'话，我又抬头看星空，渐渐地，我看到了爷爷悲伤的脸，他仿佛在对我诉说他的思念之情。我突然跳了起来，刚想说：“爷爷，您回来啦！”爷爷却消失了，眼前只有闪烁的星星。从此，我发现奶奶几乎每天晚上都看星星，不管是冬天还是夏天，只要有星星她就看，看完星星，她就要伤心一阵。那时，我真希望星星不要出现。

今天奶奶的愿望终于实现了，爷爷来信说要回来了，这个消息，使奶奶像变了一个人，终于盼到这一天了！

我的眼睛模糊起来，我仿佛看到银河上架起了一座鹊桥，牛郎织女终于团圆了。夜深了，星光更加灿烂了……

❈ 简短名人英语演讲稿 ❈

今天夜晚有点闷热，我从屋里搬出一个凳子坐在外面，为的是呼吸一点凉爽的风，而万万没想到的是，我有幸观赏到迷人的夜景

今晚的月亮特别高，又大又圆，很美丽。天空中的星星也比平常的亮，比平常的多，也比平常的美。虫子们的音乐会早已开场了。月亮和星星在这样的音乐声中更亮更精神。看那一颗颗星星，一闪一闪的，好像这场音乐会给了它们无限快乐。满天的星星又好像都张大了笑眼，与虫蚁们共享这迷人了夜晚。月亮像洁白的玉盘，没有一丝污染，那是音乐舞台上最大最亮的灯光道具吗？虫子的鸣叫又仿佛给这个夜晚添上了奇妙的光亮，它们连自己的影子都可以看到，房屋上的铁皮也都透着银光。

星月的光亮照在我的身上，四下里吹着夏夜的.暖风，花儿在星月光照下，比白天的时候美得含蓄美得典雅，在我眼里比白天的美上好几倍。尤其是那被星月照得兴奋得不能入睡的老鼠，又开始了它们的故事，也够让人陶醉的了。瞧，米老鼠也借着明亮的星光月色来到鸡窝，我一想他就是要偷蛋，可是我一动没动，因为我早把蛋拿出来了，我倒要看看这只小东西能偷到什么。正在这时我家的健将米老鼠的天敌——黑猫警长出来。我可以看清它要干什么了！等到米老鼠什么也没捞着悄悄地从鸡窝里出来的时候，我的那英雄牌的黑猫警长像箭一样飞跃过去。老鼠好像早有防备，噌噌的溜进了自己的洞里。刚才米老鼠逃跑的样子很搞笑。这一件事竟给这迷人的夜晚平添上了色彩绝妙的一笔。

今天晚上的月光和那环绕她周围的星星一样的美，给人一种快乐的感觉，还有月光下的猫鼠趣事，使这美丽的夜更具欣赏的意趣。

我喜欢这星光灿烂的夜晚。