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Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the States-ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in forty-eight States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the Principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.
The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.
During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere-yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
To accomplish great things, you must dream great dreams. Butdreaming alone isn’t enough. You must believe in your dreams and you mustact.
梦想有多大,成功功就有多大。但是仅仅有梦想还远远不够,必须相信梦想并采取行动来实现梦想。
Dreams give us a vision of a better future;
梦想给予我们对美好未来的幻想;
Dreams nourish our spirit;
梦想滋养我们的灵魂;
Dreams represent possibility even when we are dragged;
梦想让希望重现,甚至在我们为现实所累时 ;
Dreams keep us going.
梦想使我们不断前进。
Most successful people are dreamers;
大多数成功人士都是幻想家;
Ordinary people who are not afraid to think big dare not to be great.
平庸之辈就是大胆想而不敢做的人。
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
Dear,
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
Inaugural Address
On a frigid Winter's day, January 20, 1961, John Fitzgerald Kennedy took the oath of office as the 35th President of the United States. At age 43, he was the youngest man and the first Roman Catholic ever elected. He had won by one of the smallest margins of victory, only 115,000 popular votes. This is the speech he delivered announcing the dawn of a new era as young Americans born in the 20th century first assumed leadership of the Nation.
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge -- to convert our good words into good deeds in a new alliance for progress -- to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective -- to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request -- that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew, remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah -- to undo the heavy burdens...and let the oppressed go free.
And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation -- a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it -- and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you -- ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
John F. Kennedy - January 20, 1961
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankinds final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free." And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation," a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth Gods work must truly be our own.
生下来就一贫如洗的林肯,终其一生都在面对挫败,八次竞选八次落败,两次经商失败,甚至还精神崩溃过一次。好多次,他本可以放弃,但他并没有如此,也正因为 他没有放弃,才成为美国历史上最伟大的总统之一。此路艰辛而泥泞。我一只脚滑了一下,另一只脚也因而站不稳;但我缓口气,告诉自己,"这不过是滑一跤,并不是死去而爬不起来。" ——林肯在竞选参议员落败后如是说。
我们有的时候受到一次挫折,或经受到一次失败,就灰心丧气,认为自己一无是处,看看爱迪生和林肯,我们就会明白人的一生不是一帆风顺的,关键是学会坚持,永不放弃。
命运对奥斯特洛夫斯基是残酷的:他念过三年小学,青春消逝在疾驰的战马与枪林弹雨中。16岁时,他腹部与头部严重负伤,右眼失明。20岁时,又因关节硬化而卧床不起。面对着命运的严峻挑战,他深切地感到:“在生活中没比掉队更可怕的事情了。”奥斯特洛夫斯基与命运进行了英勇的抗争:他不想躺在残废荣誉军人的功劳簿上向祖国和人民伸手,他用沸腾的精力读完了函授大学的全部课程,如饥似渴地阅读俄罗斯与世界文学名著。书籍召唤他前进,书籍陪伴他披荆斩棘。
奥斯特洛夫斯基思想的烈马,驰骋在乌克兰与波兰交界的辽阔的原野上,他口授的每一个字母都像无情的子弹,射向入侵的德国强盗。
——田朴珺关于女性和爱情的励志演讲稿
我曾经认为,为人爱侣应该甜美、温柔、小鸟依人、会做饭、会疼人、会带娃。以这样的标准来衡量作为女友的我,简直糟糕透顶。
这样的认知要从很久以前说起。二十岁时,我谈过一次恋爱。我当时有一个去外地拍戏的机会,但我很犹豫,因为“心有所属”,我设定的生活是为心爱的人居家做饭。
被朋友劝说不要放弃这么好的机会,因为也有赚房租的压力,犹豫再三,我几乎是哭着到了片场,感觉自己是个“不合格女友”。戏还没拍完,这段感情就戛然而止。后来思考,我不怨人家绝情,而是我没有让别人离不开我的绝对优势。如果现在的我认识十年前的我,我会对当时的我说:“你是个脑残!”
不是因为不够爱,而是明白了爱一个人,不等于失去自我,爱一个人,先要让自己摆脱“爱”的束缚,如果你不能摆脱,就不会收到真正的爱。
和闺密聊天,发现那句古老的名言,“如果想绑住对方的心,就先绑住对方的胃”。事实上,90%的个案都不成立。事后,我检验了一下自己下厨房的能力,不是切破食指就是切破大拇指,弄得厨房里血光四溅。
那么,既然没有这方面的天赋,就不再苛求,你是喜欢我还是喜欢我为你做菜?这个问题,是对方应该想清楚的,也确立了我作为女友的原则:不为了爱谁而强求自己去改变。
由这个原则继续衍生,我逐渐明白了做一个有着独立人格的女友该有的行为准则:我应该不会专程去探你,也不会小鸟依人地腻在你身边,更不会没事就打电话问你和谁在一起,监督你的行踪,而且工作永远比男友或老公重要。
人和人的关系中,难保不生变故,而工作,是付出多少必会得到多少的。回报完全由自己掌控。我喜欢掌控自己,不依附他人的感觉,这会让我非常有安全感。当然,作为女性,有时候难免会有小嫉妒、小猜疑,这很正常。在复杂的情感世界,我没有万能钥匙。但是,我知道,与其想要抓住谁不如抓住自己。
此外,我不懂如何向男友伸手要钱、要礼物,不知道“把你的工资卡交给我”这句话怎么开口。我的一个女朋友,认为老公最大的优点是每月都会按时上交工资,虽然工资不高,但那是一种确定的感觉,每提及此事,脸上总洋溢着幸福。我们每次都会打击她,我说,如果你认为抓住他的“钱袋子”就可以怎么样,那绝对是自欺欺人,一份感情若只和钱联系在一起,一定是最脆弱的。
另一个女朋友也曾经咨询过我,如何向男朋友伸手要钱。我颇为无奈,只好回复:“确实不知道该怎样办。”举个例子吧,我在纽约为贷款买房历尽艰难,因为当时在美国连一张信用卡都没有,没有社会信誉,贷款差点办不下来。当时王老师刚刚签完一个品牌代言合约,我曾有过一丝小念头让他帮我还一部分贷款,王老师也承认确实动过这个念头。
但仅仅只是一个念头,念头闪过之后,他对我说:“我在认识你之前,所有的广告收入都会捐掉做慈善,如果因为认识了你,就不捐了,我的员工会怎么看我?”
他话音还未落,我连忙摆手道:“捐,赶紧捐,一分都别留。”至今,我仍每月做着房奴。
一个事业成功的男士,身边可能有很多的“小鸟依人”,他们往往可以轻而易举地获得女性的青睐。可是站在这位男士的角度想,如果身边的姑娘都是为了紧紧抓住自己而献上美貌和温情,试问,你不紧张,不想逃吗?作为一个寻求真正独立的女性,我想应该是有他没他,我都能活,如果想和我一起,那欢迎加入我的世界,但请不要把我当作附庸,我也不会在你的世界里横冲直撞。
平日里,我和王老师各自忙工作,他时而英国,时而深圳,我时而美国,时而上海,能在北京相聚的时光显得弥足珍贵。一次恰好他回北京,只有两天时间,而我必须要去上海。我想争取当天往返,无奈约见的第二批工作对象次日上午才可以见面,一天半的时间眼看就要扑在了工作上,只好撇下王老师。
正在上海开会时,王老师的电话打过来:“我饿了,没有饭吃……”
开会时接电话本就已经不算礼貌,且是这种琐事,当着那么多工作对象回答这样的问题,只能让我显得更加尴尬,于是,我把回复伪装得尽量像答复一件工作:
“我发给你一个电话号码,你打这个电话应该可以解决。”
于是,我将家附近餐厅的订餐电话发给了他。
几分钟后,他的电话又打了进来:“刚刚问了,人家今天不送外卖了,该怎么办?”
我气得哭笑不得,只好压低嗓门说:“冰箱里有面包,自己拿了吃。我在开会呢,不要再打电话了。”
随即,挂线,关机!
只要没饿晕倒,应该都不算大事,先把工作搞定再说!
第二天回到北京,王老师本想诉诉委屈:过去的24小时里,只有几片面包充饥……还未待他诉完苦,我立即堵上了他的话茬儿:“你平时都吃得太好了,偶尔需要吃点清淡的,清清肠胃。”然后,他被噎得接不上下一句。
好在王老师包容心无敌,对于正在创业的我,万分理解,面包的恩怨,就此一笔勾销。
还有一次在纽约,为了装修房子,添置了好多物件,回家一试,有些不太合适的,想拿回店里退掉。王老师对熟人可以sayno,对陌生人却说不出口,死活不愿意去退。其实美国有非常健全的退货体制,只要保留好购物凭证,都可顺利退掉。于是,我拉着他,走,去退货。
回到店里,我和店员一番理论,王老师安静地站在我身边。成功退货后,走在回家的路上,王老师不停地赞道:“太利索了,太利索了……”因为性格使然,独闯惯了,有没有男朋友,我都能应付过来,这是我的行事风格,不会为了扮演女朋友的角色,而改变自己凭添些虚伪的温情。
也有朋友建议我,王老师在剑桥上学,我应该也一同前往,也在剑桥画个小画儿,闲来喝个下午茶,不要这么跑来跑去辛苦创业,甚至跑到纽约去上学,抓住男人才是最重要的。可我深深知道,越想抓住的人,往往越抓不住,能够抓住的人,只有我自己。反过来说:为什么是我要去抓住他,而不是他来抓住我呢?难道我不优秀吗?
我从来没有渴望认识谁,改变命运。命运本来就是在自己手上的。
十年来,从一个哭着要为别人学做饭的小女生,到如今信奉工作有时比男友重要的原则,尽管这些原则可能为人不屑,但我却万分笃定。
一个女人一生中要谈两次“恋爱”:与值得爱的男人,与你热爱的工作。
各位家长:
下午好!
非常感谢来参加这次的家长会。
先说说孩子们这一周多的情况。在开学近两周的时间里,孩子们有了一定的进步,从第一天来的时候,孩子们上课还在吵闹,下课没经允许就冲出教室。一会儿上厕所。走错教室,上课铃响过半天才能进教室,老师还得出去找。到现在,他们能上课了进教室等老师,下课喊了起立再走,放学了与老师再见。但是随着孩子们一天天熟悉了现在的学习环境,没有了原来的陌生感与拘束感,在很多时候,新的问题也会出现。中午来校后出去玩。做操时打闹。
作为教师,我一直在努力探索,如何尽自己最大的努力,使孩子们能够在学校健康快乐的成长。现在我就跟家长谈谈孩子入学后需要明确的教育方向。
习惯的培养。一些家长最担心的是孩子的成绩是否优秀,却对习惯不够重视,其实培养孩子良好的习惯,是适应小学学习生活“至关重要的第一步”。可以说,现在孩子养成好的或坏的习惯,会影响孩子的一生。
一、学习习惯的培养
首先是写的习惯,就写字来说,要注意格式之外,还要把字写美观。像我们现在写的拼音,既要让字母顶住格子,又不能冲出格子。在这里要提醒家长们的是注意您孩子的写字姿势,写作业时监督孩子按正确的执笔姿势和坐姿写字,严格按照一寸、一尺、一拳头的标准要求他们。孩子刚握笔,肯定不习惯,老师在学校时刻提醒着他们,可是回到家的姿势势必要由家长来监督。要让孩子养成好习惯,家长一定要持之以恒。尤其在一年级必家长必须要牺牲自己的时间,不要为了做生意或者忙自己的事,而忽视了孩子。比如:教孩子正确使用橡皮擦,一手把本子按住,一只手来回轻轻擦,避免将本子擦破,而且必须将痕迹擦干净!
再说说读的习惯,平时老师布置了读书的作业,一定要您的孩子大声地读出来,这一个多月时间我们的学习任务就是学好拼音,别看拼音幼儿园学过,这两天我在教的过程中发现孩子不会读音节,拼音是比较难学的,一个多月要把这些拼音都读会,这对孩子和老师来说是个艰巨的任务。老师布置的读的作业一定要按质按量的完成。像这几天我给孩子们发的那张拼音纸,要求读会了家长签名,部分家长签名了,在这里我很想麻烦家长一定要在孩子读完读会之后,再签上自己的名字。
再有就是回家要让孩子养成先完成作业再玩耍的好习惯。要规定孩子放学后必须做完作业,而且必须检查后再出去玩,不要让孩子一到家就是看电视或者到处跑来跑去。有的家长认为孩子还小,长大些就会懂了。如果这样认为那将来后悔都来不及了。希望家长再忙都要把这件事督促到位。一年、两年后,孩子养成了好习惯,那你就不用整天盯着孩子了。
二、生活习惯
首先要让孩子养成早睡早起的习惯,做一个生活有规律的人。不迟到,(强调作息时间)。 校服做好后,每天穿校服,戴红领巾。否则扣班级的分数。
其次,要培养孩子生活自理的能力。让孩子自己穿衣、洗脸、刷牙,学会自己整理书包,准备明天要带的学习用品,自己的事情一定要让孩子自己做。如果孩子忘记了,家长可以提醒一下。有时候还应让孩子做一些力所能及的家务,因为劳动可以让孩子学会动手和动脑,可以锻炼他的能力,还可以培养孩子的责任心。有了劳动的体验,孩子将来写文章也会有感而写。 最近几周家长陪同孩子打扫卫生,也就十几分钟的事。
还有就是让孩子懂得节约。不要让孩子把玩具和零食带到学校,每天来校带好水就可以了也尽量让孩子在家不乱花零花钱。
三、行为习惯
我们要培养孩子做一个讲文明、讲卫生、讲礼貌的孩子。大家都希望自己的孩子走出去能讨人喜欢,被人夸奖。我认为一个干干净净、大大方方、彬彬有礼的孩子,肯定招人喜欢。
孩子的文明礼貌、言谈举止和您的教育是息息相关的。教育孩子该做的事,自己首先要做好。所以请您不要在孩子面前乱丢垃圾、说脏话、粗话,言谈举止都要注意文明,斯文。当家长很容易,当一个好的家长却不是一件容易的事。
四、几点让家长配合做到的建议:
1、学习用品的准备。
刚入学的孩子,由于受年龄特点的影响,注意力较容易分散。也有家长反映,我的孩子比较皮,比较多动。因此,家长在给孩子准备笔,尺,书包,橡皮等学习用品时,一定要考虑到可能产生影响孩子学习的不利因素。比如:文具盒尽量选择简单的,准备5只以上削好的铅笔,一两块橡皮,一把尺子就够了,一个功能繁多的文具盒,对孩子来说,不亚于一样玩具,很容易分散学生上课的注意力。在做完回家作业后,提醒孩子把笔削尖,把作业本、书本放进书包,为第二天做好准备。开学以来,我们班已经很很多位孩子接连几次忘记带作业本了。当然这些事情,家长要培养孩子自己完成,而不要亲力亲为,代替孩子完成。
2、为孩子安排一个良好的学习环境。
主要是不要将孩子安排在与电视机同屋的房间,看电视容易引起学生的无意注意,花花绿绿的东西很容易吸引学生的注意,让孩子做作业时不能一心一意,同时,也不利于他将来在课堂上集中注意力。很多家长表示,孩子开学了还在看电视,最好少看或不看,希望家长在这方面把好严关。
3、多读书,养成每天读书的习惯。
学校每周有一次绘本课,我会给孩子们讲故事,希望家长给孩子们在家提供读书的环境。休息时多带孩子去书店转转,利用零花钱买书。
说了那么多,有什么不当之处请各位家长提出来。
最后,我向家长提一个希望——多和孩子沟通,多和别的家长沟通,多和老师沟通。我相信,在我们的共同努力下,我们的孩子一定会茁壮成长。谢谢大家!
各位家长:
大家好!感谢各位在百忙中来参加我们的家长会,九年级是初中学习生活的重要转折点。九年级学习任务重,压力大,自身情绪容易波动。所以本学年多关注孩子,多付出精力,是至关重要的。这也是我们召开本次家长会的初衷。
一、学校整体状况介绍:
(一) 中招形势:
中招形势严峻,省内省外,各校都在拼时间,拼题量,我们身处其中,无法例外,只能迎难而上,多挤时间,多做卷纸,多见题型。
修武一中近年招收学生1000人,去掉50名左右特长生,大概在950名左右,这950名学生中,一半统招生,一半分配生。所以参考八年级孩子学校名次,关注孩子各次考试成绩,保证孩子县名次处在1000名或1200名以内(或校名次处在250名左右),考学都很有希望。
(二) 中考分值安排:语文120分,数学120分,英语120分,物理化学合起来120分,政史120分,还有体育50分,实验30分,艺术20分。中考实验加试、体育加试、艺术素养分值不低,今年越来越严格,去年我校分数就很低,注意训练重在平时,六日一定有规律抽时间锻炼。
(三) 学校连年中招成绩:
学校连年中招成绩呈现明显上升趋势。
20xx年,报考528人,升学171人;20xx年,报考528人,升学235人;20xx年,报考560人,升学247人。
我们这届学生前100名进31人,前500名进148人,前1000名进266人。参考以上情况,分析孩子成绩,找目标位次,朝目标努力。
(四) 教师队伍配备:
学校为九年级配备了最优势的老师队伍,各班科目老师搭配达到最佳。老师们更是呈现出超强的干劲,早到校,晚回家,课间个别辅导,作业人人过关,把数量,把质量,精神可嘉。家长可以和孩子多交流,了解情况,尤其是新学科,和新换的科目老师,可以唤起孩子学习的信心。
(五) 学生学习状态:
1、 本学年学习安排:本学年我们安排一学期讲完两学期的课程,第二学期全面复习迎考。所以本学期学习任务紧,要求学习任务当天完成,不拖沓。明年4月安排有体育加试、实验加试,紧接着一质检、二质检、中招考试。一环接一环,时间很紧,三项加试成绩直接加入总分,家长要认识到重要性。提醒孩子重在平时训练。
2、 学生总体状态良好,学习情绪高涨,学习气氛浓厚。早到校,进教室就学习,下课研究难题。作业认真完成,保质保量,批注认真,效果良好。真正找到了中招升学的兴奋点。这种情况下,极少部分学生保持原来状态就已经落后,更别说那些拖拉不上进,上课睡觉,作业不用心完成的`同学了。
二、向家长提出几点建议:
1、 用心关注孩子学习状态,老师们全抓全管,不放弃一个同学。家长也要多用心,多付出。初三是创造奇迹的阶段,只要踏实努力,都有奇迹发生。
2、 督促孩子当天作业当天完成,不拖拉。包括背诵、记忆作业,都必须认真完成,家长最好陪读,严把关。免得到校老师查出问题,处理时耽误上课。
3、 关注作息时间,早上不迟到(6:45),下午1:30到校,保证孩子不迟到。注意下午放学时间,学校保证天黑前到家。不能到家,是孩子路上玩耽搁了,一定问清情况。放学不迟,作业也不多。提醒孩子吃过饭早开始,专心学习,限时作业,不要拖拉,及早结束。
4、 周六是学校安排的测试时间,主要测试当周学习内容。坚持自愿原则,不来不追究,来者必须严格遵守纪律,不守纪律者就不要来。这是老师在尽义务,要尊重理解老师。周日一般没有作业,家长安排查漏补缺,补弱势科目,这非常重要。
5、 营养和锻炼。在家保证一日三餐准时供应,保证营养。尤其早餐,一定保证,哪一天真有特殊情况,让孩子带营养食物到校,不带、不买垃圾食品。晚上如果学习太晚,准备加餐。
6、 部分成绩中等的学生,家长和孩子商量一下,可以报考特长生。有想法,有底子的家长提前与我联系,提前安排。
7、 关注孩子表现,关注思想变化。有情况及时与老师联系、沟通。关注各次考试成绩,有问题与各科老师联系,注意记下联系方式。与老师沟通时注意方式,在孩子面前不带负面情绪,不抱怨老师,记住老师们与各位家长意愿是相同的,理解都是为了孩子好,为了孩子进步。有建议直接与老师沟通,不要让孩子学会抱怨。
8、 永远牢记,不管孩子目前成绩怎样,状态怎样,都不能放弃。学习成绩不是唯一的成长目标。在学习中培养一种态度,历练一种精神,对上学后的工作、生活都非常有益,可以说受益一生。
尊敬的家长朋友们,亲爱的同学们:
大家好!
寒来暑往,秋收冬藏。伴随着冬日的暖阳,我校隆重召开了此次初二年级家长会。本学期以来,在上级教育部门和校董事会的正确领导下,在刘鹏飞校长的大刀阔斧、全面改革下,在各位家长的大力支持下,我们紧紧围绕学校教育教学工作的核心,深入推进课程改革,大力加强教学常规管理,初二年级整体秩序井然,学生的综合素质得到了大幅度提升。
现在,我就初二年级第一学期年级管理的特色、成果和规划向各位家长做以汇报:
第一,重新编班,优化重组。
为什么要重新编班呢?其一是因为去年初一年级新成立时,国家教育部不允许小升初进行大规模的考试,因此原小六学生和新招收学生未进行统一的考试,造成了分班不均衡等问题,需要依据初一期中、期末综合成绩进行重新整合,其二是根据上级教育部门和校委会工作部署,新初二年级组建二十轨,也就是由原来的二十四个班新编成二十个班级。其三是本学期,为保证教育质量,我们大刀阔斧地辞退了一部分教学综合素质不高、教学成绩不甚理想、家长和学生评价不佳的教师,重新选聘了一部分学历高、教学经验丰富的新教师充实到了初二教学第一线,我们需要给教师一个公平的起跑线,这样有助于教师进行公平竞争。综合以上原因,我们进行了统一编班。新的初二教师团队绝对比前一学期素质更高!
第二,深化课改,提高效率。
要提高教学质量,课堂是主阵地,课程改革是关键。为提高课堂效率,向45分钟要质量,学校投入巨资,为各个班级配备了多媒体设备,我们初二年级各个教研组在组长的带领下,组织集体备课,首先将教学任务分配给组内每一名教师,制作课件,然后集体研讨,修改课件,做到节节课都使用课件进行授课,节节课都是精品课,此举极大地提高了课堂效率。其次,每大周均组织听评课活动,各教研组每周必须听足五节课,并且做到当天听,当天评,青年教师向教学经丰富的`教师学习课程重点的突出、难点的突破,中年教师向青年教师学习多媒体课件的制作,集体研讨知识落实的办法,教研组内学风浓郁,有力促进了教学质量的提高。再次,积极向襄汾高中学习课堂改革二十条路径,大力倡导“绝不代替学生思维,绝不占用学生时间”的课改观念,坚决将每天的自习课留给学生,学生自习做以考代练,课后教师批阅一考代练,典题本上改以考代练错题,晚三坚决留给学生巩固新知,查缺补漏,这些举措有力地促进了知识的落实,促进了学生各学科知识的提升。
第三、点滴时间,绝不浪费
谁做了时间的主人,谁就做了成绩的主人。为了不浪费点滴的时间,我们每天早操前,在明亮的射灯下,坚持语文读书背诵十分钟,每节课前,站读预习二分钟,课间操前,坚持英语读书二分钟,营造出勤奋学习,毫不松懈的学习氛围。
第四、安全教育,常抓不懈
每节课后,坚持安全教育一分钟;每大周一节安全教育课,一个安全教育主题,例如:防溺水、防火防电、如何正确使用网络等主题,全部制作成教育课件,教育学生牢固树立安全第一的理念,一学期以来,从未发生过一起大的安全事故。
第五、管理细则,严格执行
严格执行《星原学校中学生日常管理考核细则>,学生出现违纪违规事件,对照细则,严格执行,该回家反思就回家反思,该评议就评议,该另择他校就另择他校,采取零容忍态度,不搞关系、不走过场,细则就是学校的宪法,细则面前人人平等,此举全力纠正了学生诸多行为恶习,使学生养成了良好的学习和生活习惯,为提高教学质量起到了良好的保障作用。
第六,攻心励志,人人谈话
思想决定行动,思想不转变,成绩就不会转变。为做好攻心励志工作,我们采取教师与学生人人谈话办法,谈理想、谈学习、谈细节、谈改过、谈竞争、谈目标。倾全力促进学生思想上的转变,有力的摒弃了学生思想上的糟粕,督促了学生思想上的转变。
当然,在上半学期的教学管理工作中,我们也暴露出一些问题:
1、数学、体育成绩均分较低,成为我年级目前最大的两门弱科。
2、部分学生思想松懈,我行我素,不把管理细则放在眼里,频频违纪,导致回家反盛评议、另择他校。
下半学期规划
1、深入持续开展课堂教学改革,全力打造精品课堂。
2、用好校长信箱、年级信箱,每大周进行一次学生问卷调查,发现问题,解决问题,向细节要成绩,向管理要质量。
3、想方设法进行体育训练,提高体育成绩,保证中考体育质量。
4、持续开展中考题型教研,教研组内反复修改以考代练题,抓好以考代练的命题工作,提升以考代练题的质量。
5、教导处抓好以考代练题的批阅检查,坚持通过以考代练题发现问题,落实知识。
6、德育处做好攻心励志工作的检查,将攻心励志工作落到实处。
尊敬的家长朋友,为了我的学生,为了您的孩子,我们衷心的希望你一如既往地支持年级各项工作,我提出几点期望:
1、利用周末时间多陪陪孩子,和他们进行平等的交流和沟通。他们真的需要在家这个温馨的港湾得到温暖,得到关爱。
2、思想上要重视学生的体育锻炼,体育和其它科目同样重要,同为中考科目,一定要帮助老师纠正学生思想上的错误认识。
3、学生返校时不要给学生带太多的零食,会造成学生不好好吃饭,引发不及时午休、宿舍卫生脏乱、学生生并闹矛盾等一系列的问题。
4、及时加入班级微信群,构建好这个高效便捷的家校沟通平台。
5、理解学校对于违纪学生的处理。学生行为习惯的问题,说到底还是思想问题,思想不转变,行动就不会转变,行动不转变,成绩就不会改观。
亲爱的同学们,初一年级我们学习过诗人王家新的诗歌《在山的那边》山那边是海吗?
是的!人们啊,请相信--
在不停地翻过无数座山后
在一次次地战胜失望之后
你终会攀上这样一座山顶
而在这座山的那边,就是海呀
是一个全新的世界
在一瞬间照亮你的眼睛…
亲爱的同学们,我衷心地希望,你们就像一头头拓荒牛,以昂扬的斗志,去奋力开拓你们人生中的荒野,去实现你们人生中的辉煌!
为了你们的辉煌,我们初二年级全体教师,俯首甘为孺子牛!
可敬的家长们,感谢你们的信赖,感谢你们的大力支持!放心吧!您送来一个学子,我们还你一个栋梁!让我们携起手来,为了我的学生,为了您的孩子,齐心协力,共创孩子们美好的明天!
谢谢大家!
as everyone knows, english is very important today. it has been used everywhere in the world. it has become the most common language on internet and for international trade. if we can speak english well, we will have more chance to succeed. because more and more people have taken notice of it, the number of the people who go to learn english has increased at a gh speed.but for myself, i learn english not only because of its importance and its usefulness, but also because of my love for it. when i learn english, i can feel a different way of tnking wch gives me more room to touch the world. when i read english novels, i can feel the pleasure from the book wch is different from reading the translation. when i speak english, i can feel the confident from my words. when i write english, i can see the beauty wch is not the same as our cnese...i love english, it gives me a colorful dream. i hope i can travel around the world one day. with my good english, i can make friends with many people from different countries. i can see many places of great intrests. i dream that i can go to london, because it is the birth place of english.i also want to use my good english to introduce our great places to the english spoken people, i hope that they can love our country like us.i know, rome was not built in a day. i believe that after continuous hard study, one day i can speak english very well.if you want to be loved, you should learn to love and be lovable. so i believe as i love english everyday , it will love me too.i am sure that i will realize my dream one day!thank you!
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