尝试演讲稿三分钟

尝试演讲稿三分钟 篇1

尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们：

大家好！

我叫王xx，今年6岁了。我想竞选学习委员。我竞选学习委员的优势是我是一个爱学习的小学生。我每天回家都是先写作业，然后自己检查，把写的不好的字和写错的题改正过来；每天写完作业，我还自己整理书包；每天早上我还坚持读书。上课的时候，我坐的端正，听讲认真，积极答复下列问题。我还是一个遵守纪律的好学生。上课不说话，不乱跑，下课不打人，不骂人，不欺负小朋友，我还爱帮助同学。我还是一个负责任的小学生。老师布置的每一项任务，我都能完成的很好。

如果这次我当上学习委员，我一定好好学习，遵守好纪律，按时收作业送作业，提醒同学们按时写作业，并给老师说清谁没有交作业。完成老师交给的.每一项任务，当好老师的小助手。

如果这次我没当上学习委员，说明我做的还不够好，我要继续努力，好好学习，严格要求自己，争取下次能当上学习委员。

尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们，请大家相信我，支持我，投我一票吧！谢谢大家，我演讲完了。

尝试演讲稿三分钟 篇2

大家好！我叫xx。今天我的题目是:“我爱英语。

英语现在在世界各地都被使用，它已经成为互联网上最重要的语言。学习英语使我自信，并给我带来极大的快乐。

我八岁的时候，父亲送我去了一所英语学校。在那里，我和其他孩子一起玩游戏，唱英文歌。然后我发现了语言的美，开始了我在英语世界的多彩梦。

每天，我都跟着磁带读英语。有时候，我喜欢给孩子看英文电影，比如海底总动员，哈利波特等等。这些电影不仅提高了我的英语水平，也给了我很多乐趣。Outlook英语也对我的`英语学习有很大帮助，我已经看了这个节目将近两年了。

我希望有一天我能环游世界。我想去美国，因为美国是世界上最发达的国家之一。我也想去英国，因为英语起源于英国。

我热爱英语，英语已经成为我生活的一部分。朋友们，你们喜欢英语吗？如果你愿意，跟我来。让我们。让我们享受一天内学会英语的乐趣。”

那是。就这些，谢谢你！

尝试演讲稿三分钟 篇3

亲爱的老师、同学们：

在上次运动会，我参加了跳远比赛。比赛中，我没有别的同学跳得远，输得很惨，我非常沮丧，干什么都没劲。妈妈知道了，语重心长的'说：“很多事情不是一办就能成功，需要付出努力和艰辛。失败是成功之母，没什么大不了的。”我听了深受启发。

于是，我向怕怕请教如何跳远。他告诉我：“首先跑步练习，增强腿部肌肉，然后练习弹跳技能，最后练习变速跑，增强爆发力。”我觉得这个方案很合理，便这样开始训练了。

每天晚上，我和爸爸一起，围着小区跑4圈，2圈匀速跑，2圈变速跑。变速跑可有意思了，50米快跑，50米慢跑，必须全神贯注，不然就跑错了，和爸爸不一致，好几次我们都把自己逗乐了。

我们在大树底下练弹跳。爸爸说：“我们摸树叶吧，这样就有目标了。”这棵树在儿童乐园旁，枝叶繁茂，爸爸帮我选定了一片叶子，我就纵身往上跳。跳了几次，我都摸不着，我累坏了。我想放弃了，可是看到那片在风中摇曳的树页，好象在向我做鬼脸，我不服气了：“不能让他笑话我。”于是我又开始训练，我终于掌握了技巧，叶子被我摘下来了。最后爸爸把我带到了沙滩乐园，练习立定跳远，有了前面的训练和经验，我双臂挥3下，脚使劲一蹬，蹦出去好远，我高兴坏了。

经过一段时间的训练，我的成绩从1。6米升到了1。8米，然后2。0米，我已经准备好参加下一届的运动会了。

通过这次跳远时间，我明白了在挫折面前不能低头，只有战胜自己，才能战胜困难。

尝试演讲稿三分钟 篇4

尊敬的老师、亲爱的同学们：

大家好！我很高兴参加这次竞选，我竞选的职务是体育委员。竞选这个职务，我有以下优势：

首先，我热爱运动，有良好的.身体素质和运动协调能力。各种球类运动中大家都能看到我的身影；学校运动会，我每次都参加并且取得了好成绩；长跑、短跑、跳绳我样样也能玩出彩。运动使我更健康，使我更开朗，使我交到越来越多好朋友，更使我有了超越梦想、挑战自我、朝向更高目标迈进的顽强意志。

其次，每次出操、整队、上体育课、参加比赛、我都能积极参与，服从老师的命令，积极完成。

另外，我在各方面努力提高、完善自我，协助老师管理好咱班这个集体，在学习、运动、班级活动各方面我都发挥了一定的表率和模范作用，也用实际行动和全班同学一起为咱班的体育活动争得了荣誉。

如果我能竞选成功的话，我首先要感谢大家对我的信任和支持。如果这次我落选了，这说明我做的还不够，还要加倍努力。但是，不管怎样，我都会虚心听取大家的意见和建议，改进和完善自我，和所有的同学一起配合，把体育委员这项工作做得更加称职出色。

尝试演讲稿三分钟 篇5

同学们：

大家好！

哲学家康德说：“生气，是拿别人的错误惩罚自己。”优雅的康德大概是不会有暴风骤雨的，心情永远是天朗气清。别人犯错了，我们为此雷霆万钧，那犯错的该是我们自己了。

现代的戴尔·卡内基不主张以牙还牙，他说：“要真正憎恶别人的简单方法只有一个，即发挥对方的长处。”憎恶对方，狠不得食肉寝皮敲骨吸髓，结果只能使自己焦头烂额，心力尽瘁。卡内基说的“憎恶”是另一种形式的“宽容”，憎恶别人不是咬牙切齿饕餮对手，而是吸取对方的长处化为自己强身壮体的钙质。

狼再怎么扮演“慈祥的外婆”，发“从此吃素”的毒誓，也难改吃羊的本性，但如果捕杀净尽，羊群反而容易产生瘟疫；两虎共斗，其势不俱生，但一旦英雄寂寞，不用关进栅栏，凶猛的老虎也会退化成病猫。把对手看做朋友，这是更高境界的宽容。

林肯总统对政敌素以宽容著称，后来终于引起一议员的不满，议员说：“你不应该试图和那些人交朋友，而应该消灭他们。”林肯微笑着回答：“当他们变成我的朋友，难道我不正是在消灭我的敌人吗？”一语中的，多一些宽容，公开的对手或许就是我们潜在的`朋友。

三峡工程大江截流成功，谁对三峡工程的贡献最大？著名的水利工程学家潘家铮这样回答外国记者的提问：“那些反对三峡过程的人对三峡工程的贡献最大。”反对者的存在，可让保持清醒理智的头脑，做事更周全；可激发你接受挑战的勇气，迸发出生命的潜能。这不是简单的宽容，这宽容如硎，磨砺着你意志，磨亮了你生命的锋芒。

虽然我不同意你的观点，但我有义务捍卫您说话的权利。这句话很多人都知道，它包含了宽容的民主性内核。良言一句三冬暖，宽容是冬天皑皑雪山上的暖阳；恶语伤人六月寒，如果你有了宽容之心，炎炎酷暑里就把它当作降温的空调吧。

宽容是一种美。深邃的天空容忍了雷电风暴一时的肆虐，才有风和日丽；辽阔的大海容纳了惊涛骇浪一时的猖獗，才有浩淼无垠；苍莽的森林忍耐了弱肉强食一时的规律，才有郁郁葱葱。泰山不辞抔土，方能成其高；江河不择细流，方能成其大。宽容是壁立千仞的泰山，是容纳百川的江河湖海。

与朋友交往，宽容是鲍叔牙多分给管仲的黄金。他不计较管仲的自私，也能理解管仲的贪生怕死，还向齐桓公推荐管仲做自己的上司。

与众人交往，宽容是光武帝焚烧投敌信札的火炬。刘秀大败王郎，攻入邯郸，检点前朝公文时，发现大量奉承王郎、侮骂刘秀甚至谋划诛杀刘秀的信件。可刘秀对此视而不见，不顾众臣反对，全部付之一炬。他不计前嫌，可化敌为友，壮大自己的力量，终成帝业。这把火，烧毁了嫌隙，也铸炼坚固的事业之基。

你要宽容别人的龃龉、排挤甚至诬陷。因为你知道，正是你的力量让对手恐慌。你更要知道，石缝里长出的草最能经受风雨。风凉话，正可以给你发热的头脑“冷敷”；给你穿的小鞋，或许能让你在舞台上跳出漫妙的“芭蕾舞”；给你的打击，仿佛运动员手上的杠铃，只会增加你的爆发力。睚眦必报，只能说明你无法虚怀若谷；言语刻薄，是一把双刃剑，最终也割伤自己；以牙还牙，也只能说明你的“牙齿”很快要脱落了；血脉贲张，最容易引发“高血压病”。“一只脚踩扁了紫罗兰，它却把香味留在那脚跟上，这就是宽恕。”安德鲁·马修斯在《宽容之心》中说了这样一句能够启人心智的话。

尝试演讲稿三分钟 篇6

thank you, mr. chairman.

mr. chairman, i join my colleague mr. rangel in thanking you for giving the junior members of this committee the glorious opportunity of sharing the pain of this inquiry. mr. chairman, you are a strong man, and it has not been easy but we have tried as best we can to give you as much assistance as possible.

earlier today, we heard the beginning of the preamble to the constitution of the united states: "we, the people." it's a very eloquent beginning. but when that document was completed on the seventeenth of september in 1787, i was not included in that "we, the people." i felt somehow for many years that george washington and alexander hamilton just left me out by mistake. but through the process of amendment, interpretation, and court decision, i have finally been included in "we, the people."

today i am an inquisitor. an hyperbole would not be fictional and would not overstate the solemnness that i feel right now. my faith in the constitution is whole; it is complete; it is total. and i am not going to sit here and be an idle spectator to the diminution, the subversion, the destruction, of the constitution.

"who can so properly be the inquisitors for the nation as the representatives of the nation themselves?" "the subjects of its jurisdiction are those offenses which proceed from the misconduct of public men." and that's what we're talking about. in other words, [the jurisdiction comes] from the abuse or violation of some public trust.

it is wrong, i suggest, it is a misreading of the constitution for any member here to assert that for a member to vote for an article of impeachment means that that member must be convinced that the president should be removed from office. the constitution doesn't say that. the powers relating to impeachment are an essential check in the hands of the body of the legislature against and upon the encroachments of the executive. the division between the two branches of the legislature, the house and the senate, assigning to the one the right to accuse and to the other the right to judge, the framers of this constitution were very astute. they did not make the accusers and the judgers -- and the judges the same person.

we know the nature of impeachment. we've been talking about it awhile now. it is chiefly designed for the president and his high ministers to somehow be called into account. it is designed to "bridle" the executive if he engages in excesses. "it is designed as a method of national inquest into the conduct of public men." the framers confided in the congress the power if need be, to remove the president in order to strike a delicate balance between a president swollen with power and grown tyrannical, and preservation of the independence of the executive.

the nature of impeachment: a narrowly channeled exception to the separation-of-powers maxim. the federal convention of 1787 said that. it limited impeachment to high crimes and misdemeanors and discounted and opposed the term "maladministration." "it is to be used only for great misdemeanors," so it was said in the north carolina ratification convention. and in the virginia ratification convention: "we do not trust our liberty to a particular branch. we need one branch to check the other."

"no one need be afraid" -- the north carolina ratification convention -- "no one need be afraid that officers who commit oppression will pass with immunity." "prosecutions of impeachments will seldom fail to agitate the passions of the whole community," said hamilton in the federalist papers, number 65. "we divide into parties more or less friendly or inimical to the accused." i do not mean political parties in that sense.

the drawing of political lines goes to the motivation behind impeachment; but impeachment must proceed within the confines of the constitutional term "high crime[s] and misdemeanors." of the impeachment process, it was woodrow wilson who said that "nothing short of the grossest offenses against the plain law of the land will suffice to give them speed and effectiveness. indignation so great as to overgrow party interest may secure a conviction; but nothing else can."

>common sense would be revolted if we engaged upon this process for petty reasons. congress has a lot to do: appropriations, tax reform, health insurance, campaign finance reform, housing, environmental protection, energy sufficiency, mass transportation. pettiness cannot be allowed to stand in the face of such overwhelming problems. so today we are not being petty. we are trying to be big, because the task we have before us is a big one.

this morning, in a discussion of the evidence, we were told that the evidence which purports to support the allegations of misuse of the cia by the president is thin. we're told that that evidence is insufficient. what that recital of the evidence this morning did not include is what the president did know on june the 23rd, 1972.

the president did know that it was republican money, that it was money from the committee for the re-election of the president, which was found in the possession of one of the burglars arrested on june the 17th. what the president did know on the 23rd of june was the prior activities of e. howard hunt, which included his participation in the break-in of daniel ellsberg's psychiatrist, which included howard hunt's participation in the dita beard itt affair, which included howard hunt's fabrication of cables designed to discredit the kennedy administration.

we were further cautioned today that perhaps these proceedings ought to be delayed because certainly there would be new evidence forthcoming from the president of the united states. there has not even been an obfuscated indication that this committee would receive any additional materials from the president. the committee subpoena is outstanding, and if the president wants to supply that material, the committee sits here. the fact is that on yesterday, the american people waited with great anxiety for eight hours, not knowing whether their president would obey an order of the supreme court of the united states.

at this point, i would like to juxtapose a few of the impeachment criteria with some of the actions the president has engaged in. impeachment criteria: james madison, from the virginia ratification convention. "if the president be connected in any suspicious manner with any person and there be grounds to believe that he will shelter him, he may be impeached."

we have heard time and time again that the evidence reflects the payment to defendants money. the president had knowledge that these funds were being paid and these were funds collected for the 1972 presidential campaign. we know that the president met with mr. henry petersen 27 times to discuss matters related to watergate, and immediately thereafter met with the very persons who were implicated in the information mr. petersen was receiving. the words are: "if the president is connected in any suspicious manner with any person and there be grounds to believe that he will shelter that person, he may be impeached."

justice story: "impeachment" is attended -- "is intended for occasional and extraordinary cases where a superior power acting for the whole people is put into operation to protect their rights and rescue their liberties from violations." we know about the huston plan. we know about the break-in of the psychiatrist's office. we know that there was absolute complete direction on september 3rd when the president indicated that a surreptitious entry had been made in dr. fielding's office, after having met with mr. ehrlichman and mr. young. "protect their rights." "rescue their liberties from violation."

the carolina ratification convention impeachment criteria: those are impeachable "who behave amiss or betray their public trust."4 beginning shortly after the watergate break-in and continuing to the present time, the president has engaged in a series of public statements and actions designed to thwart the lawful investigation by government prosecutors. moreover, the president has made public announcements and assertions bearing on the watergate case, which the evidence will show he knew to be false. these assertions, false assertions, impeachable, those who misbehave. those who "behave amiss or betray the public trust."

james madison again at the constitutional convention: "a president is impeachable if he attempts to subvert the constitution." the constitution charges the president with the task of taking care that the laws be faithfully executed, and yet the president has counseled his aides to commit perjury, willfully disregard the secrecy of grand jury proceedings, conceal surreptitious entry, attempt to compromise a federal judge, while publicly displaying his cooperation with the processes of criminal justice. "a president is impeachable if he attempts to subvert the constitution."

if the impeachment provision in the constitution of the united states will not reach the offenses charged here, then perhaps that 18th-century constitution should be abandoned to a 20th-century paper shredder.

has the president committed offenses, and planned, and directed, and acquiesced in a course of conduct which the constitution will not tolerate? that's the question. we know that. we know the question. we should now forthwith proceed to answer the question. it is reason, and not passion, which must guide our deliberations, guide our debate, and guide our decision.

i yield back the balance of my time, mr. Chairman.

尝试演讲稿三分钟 篇7

尊敬的老师、亲爱的同学们：

大家好！

我叫齐xx，是一个活泼开朗的女孩。我有一个圆圆的脸，笑起来眼睛就眯到了一起。我最大特点是：爱笑。同学们说我特别爱笑，笑起来就像弥勒佛一样。

我的`特长是拉小提琴，我在特色班里还是一个班长呢！我经常被老师评为“小提琴演奏家”。

我要竞选班里的纪律委员。大家一定会问我，为什么要竞选纪律委员呢？因为当上纪律委员后，和班长差不多，一样可以管理班级。老师说过，管理班级，同时还可以提高自己的管理能力，将来做到社会上，管理能力会提高很多。所以我想来竞选纪律委员。如果我当了纪律委员，我会把班级管得井井有条，还会让他们都很服我，我说对了，他们一个人也不对抗。还会让班里的语

文成绩提高。

如果我当了纪律委员，我一定会尽心尽力的为班级效劳，绝不会疏忽一丝一毫。老师在的时候，要管好，老师不在的时候或上自习课时，他们都会说话，所以更要管好。

希望大家支持我！谢谢大家！请大家为我投上珍贵的一票。